Abramovich: The billionaire from nowhere.

Writing the unauthorized biography of Roman Abramovich was always going to be a bit like winning away at Arsenal: difficult but - as Chelsea showed in April 2004 - not imposs­ible. Few in the good books of a billionaire are prepared to put such an agreeable position in jeopardy needlessly; so his friends and associates invariably wanted to ask his permission before talking to us, and his answer was equally invariably, Nyef. Many more independent-minded souls did speak out, however, as did a number of people who had fallen foul of him in the past. Their help, together with that of many who had known him as neighbours, friends or teachers before he made his billions, meant we were soon in a position to present a rounded portrait of the richest man in Britain. At that point, Abramovich decided that we should be granted a degree of cooperation and we were able to discuss many of our findings with his representatives.

Thanks are due especially to Boris Berezovsky and his public relations adviser, Lord Bell; Eugene Tenenbaum, chair­man of Millhouse Capital and head of corporate finance at Sibneft; John Mann, head of investor relations at Sibneft;

Bruce Buck, chairman of Chelsea Village; Stuart Higgins, former editor of the Sun and PR consultant to Chelsea FC; Gregory Barker MP, former head of investor relations at Sibneft; Chrystia Freeland, deputy editor of the Financial Times and former Moscow bureau chief; Richard Addis, assistant editor of the Financial Times; Mark Lawrenson, former Liverpool centre-back and pundit on BBCl's Football Focus; Mark Meehan, author of Blue Tomorrow; James Steen, former editor of Punch and gossip columnist; Harold Ellet- son, former MP and Russia expert; Jarvis Astaire, sport and show business promoter; Professor Bernie Black, professor of law, Stanford University Law School; Professor Orlando Figes, author of Natasha's Dance, a cultural history of Russia; David Satter, author of Darkness at Dawn: The Rise of the Russian Criminal State; Roy Collins, football correspondent of the Sunday Telegraph; Benedict Allen, author and television explorer; Hal Bernton of the Seattle Times; Elizabeth Manning of the Anchorage Daily News; Bruce Marks, partner in Phila­delphia-Moscow law firm Marks and Sokolow; Sergei Kolu- shev and Ivan Ulanov of the Russian Economic Forum; Bryan Morrison, owner of the Royal Berkshire Polo Club; Roddie Fleming of Fleming Family and Partners; the investor Nich­olas Berry; and Yuri Feklistov, Abramovich's favourite pho­tographer, and his associate, Nathalie Beliaev.

In Moscow: Alexei Venediktov, editor-in-chief of Radio Ekho of Moscow; James Fenkner, head of research, Troika Dialogue; William Browder, chief executive officer, Hermitage Capital Management; Eric Kraus, strategist at Sovlink invest­ment bank; Gideon Lichfield, Moscow correspondent of The Economist; Elena Dikum, former press aide to President Putin; German Tkachenko, team president, Krylia Sovietove Samara; A Pavlov, press officer for President Putin; Nadezhda Rostova, Abramovich's form teacher at Moscow's School No. 232; Ludmilla Prosenkova, headmistress of School No. 232; Yevgeni Satanovsky, chairman of the Russian Jewish Congress; Nikolai Propirny, editor of Yevreyskaya Gazeta (Jewish News); Vladimir Yudin, former Duma deputy; Kevin O'Flynn of the Moscow Times; Fyodor Bondarchuk, restaura­teur and socialite; and Alia Zelenina.

In Ukhta: Ivan and Ludmilla Lagoda, former neighbours; Dmitri Sakovich, childhood friend; Yevgeny Devaltovsky and Natalya Litvinenko of the Ukhta Industrial Institute; Irina Alioshina, deputy headmistress of School No. 2; Irina Kozhevina, deputy director of School No. 2; and Aleksandra Chumanova, editor of Nep + S.

We would also like to thank our fixers in Moscow, Elena Smolina and Guy Pugh; our Russian translator Elly Watson; and Bruce Johnston, Rome correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, for translating pieces from the Italian press. We are also extremely grateful to Fletch Dhew, Mark Hollingsworth, Margaret Holder, Kate Sissons, Lawrence Joffe, Nick Kochan, Misha Maltsev, the Reverend Edward Doyle, Stephen Hargrave, Tony Trowbridge, Wendell Steavenson, April Tod, Grace Bradbury, David Masters, Adrian Hargreaves, Maurice Skehan, Colin Cunliffe and Neill Kelly.

And last, but far from least, we would like to thank our agent Jonathan Lloyd for making it all possible and Trevor Dolby, Michael Doggart, Tom Whiting, David Daley, Jane Beaton, Zoe Mayne and Holley Miles at publishers HarperCollins.

Dominic Midgley and Chris Hutchins

August 2004

PROLOGUE

THE BILLIONAIRE FROM NOWHERE

The first the Russian public heard of a shadowy Kremlin insider called Roman Abramovich was in 1998 when he was described as President Yeltsins 'wallet' on Itogi, a popular current affairs show hosted by the economics commentator Yevgeni Kiselev. By this time, Abramovich was already a paper billionaire several times over and, as word of his vast wealth spread, the media began to take more of an interest. There was only one problem: how to illustrate stories about the man who was becoming known as the stealth oligarch?

As late as 1999, not a single newspaper or television station had a picture of Abramovich. After tiring of making do with artists' impressions of the sort produced by sketchers in court, one newspaper decided to throw money at the problem. It offered a one million rouble reward for anyone who could produce a photograph of the reclusive powerbroker. The offer of cash had the desired result and the blurred image of

Abramovich procured via that bounty was used for months across the Russian press.

At about this time, Abramovich's public relations adviser an Englishman called Gregory Barker - now a Conservative MP - was trying to persuade him to have 'a nice set of pictures' taken. After all, if it was no longer possible for him to avoid a public profile then it made sense to present as benign an image as possible. Abramovich turned to Yuri Feklistov, a photographer on the Russian weekly magazine Ogonyok. Feklistov's entree to Abramovich's inner circle came courtesy of his friendship with Valentin 'Valya' Yumashev, the journalist who had ghosted Boris Yeltsin's memoirs and gone on to marry his daughter Tatyana. The Yumashevs played a key role in the formation of Abramovich's fortune and have been close friends since 1996. Valya and Yuri, mean­while, have known each other for twenty years after first working together at the newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda and, thanks to his old friend, Feklistov is now well established as Abramovich s court photographer. Apart from shooting him both at home and at work in Moscow, he has accom­panied Abramovich on family holidays to Scandinavia and the south of France, and trips to the province of Chukotka where the oligarch was elected governor in 2000.

As a result, pictures are now available of Abramovich in all sorts of settings. If leisure shots are required, there are snaps of him trout fishing in Norway, jet-skiing on the Med, sunbathing with his wife, and relaxing with his children. If it's Abramovich the oligarch you want, there are photographs of him perusing business papers in front of his office fireplace, on the hustings in Chukotka, mixing with fellow tycoons, and strolling with the president. But for all this increased visibility, the man

behind the mask remains as elusive as ever. Feklistov may click away at Abramovich in photogenic environments and news photographers catch him at public events but obtaining an interview with Abramovich remains as difficult as ever. Despite his status as the richest man in Britain, his media appearances are rationed so meanly that for a long time the television inter­view he gave to the BBCs Steve Rosenberg in his fiefdom of Chukotka formed the staple footage of every subsequent docu­mentary. He was no more generous with the British press. In the year following his takeover of Chelsea Football Club in July 2003, he gave just one sit-down interview to a newspaper.

All press enquiries are referred to John A. Mann II, whose official title is investor relations manager with Sibneft, the oil company that forms the cornerstone of Abramovich's fortune. An amiable black American - 'There aren't many of us about in Moscow' - Mann is a former vice president at Burson Marsteller, a global corporate PR network. Before taking up his Moscow posting, Mann, who is in his early thirties, was working in Almaty, the capital of Kazakhstan, and his wife comes from there. But Mann is not an intimate of Abramovich. He goes weeks at a time without a face-to-face meeting with his ultimate boss and is not in a position to cajole him into revealing much about himself. He recalls a rather revealing anecdote about Abramovich's attitude towards probing into his early life. When he forwarded a list of ques­tions to Abramovich, the Russian's response was to glance at the sheet of paper, smile, tear it in two and drop it into the bin. It is safe to say that anyone who reads this book before John Mann will know more about his employer than he does.

Physically, Abraraovich is not an imposing man. Indeed, he is not much taller than his second wife, Irina, who bai|n met the height requirement of five foot two to become an air hostess at Aeroflot. His unwillingness to look people in the eye means he comes across as modest, even shy. This impression is supported by an artfully maintained unshaven look, which marks him out from his fellow billionaires. Nor is he a power dresser, favouring an expensively informal style of designer jeans and blazers or well-cut suits with open-neck shirts. One of the few recorded occasions on which he wore a tie was when he was sworn in as governor of Chukotka in January 2001. The New Russians are famed for their vulgarity and excess but here, again, Abramovich appears to be an exception. He has spent tens of millions on a flotilla of super- yachts (he has bought two and a third is under construction) and lives in some style in Moscow, London and the south of France but, in his case, there are no rumours of champagne- or cocaine-fuelled nights with 'models'. Abramovich's only sensual vices appear to be the odd glass of red wine - never vodka - and the occasional meerschaum of pipe tobacco. His wife is by his side at most Chelsea matches and he is regularly photographed with a selection of his five children. One of his favourite portraits shows him standing with a paternal arm round the shoulder of his eldest son, Arkady, a large bouquet of roses in his other arm, as they pose in the drive of MES - the Moscow Economic School - to mark the boy's first day at secondary school.

Irina, for her part, appears content to play the role of housewife. She was 23 when they met but looked 17. 'She was a beauty,' says Larissa Kurbatova, a fellow Aeroflot air hostess, 'huge blue eyes, a straight nose, luscious lips.' Now 36, she has borne five children during thirteen years of mar­ried life and a friend of the couple says their target is nine. It was her desire to educate her children rather than any ambition to carve out an identity for herself that was the main motivation behind her decision to take a course in the history of art at Moscow University. 'They visit a lot of gal­leries on their trips abroad,' says a friend, 'and Irina wanted to be in a position to explain to the kids what is going on.' Despite their obvious wealth, Abramovich is keen that the children see more of their mother than an army of child- minders and his concern for Irina to carry out her maternal duties can sometimes appear a little chauvinistic. There was the time Irina wanted to accompany her husband to a sell-out performance at the Vasiliev Theatre in Moscow by the singer Cesaria Evora, who is hugely popular in Russia. Given her desperation to go, friends were surprised when she stayed at home to look after the children, despite the fact that one of the organizers had reserved twenty tickets for his oil company Sibneft at his request. Irina, who is even said to prefer toy dogs to jewellery, comes across as a patriarch's dream.

As well as being a family man, Abramovich looks after his friends. Marina Goncharova, the woman who began working for him when he was selling dolls from a stall in a Moscow market in the late Eighties, is still employed by him today. He is also a man with few airs and graces. Staff members are free to use the gym he has installed at Sibneft's headquarters in Moscow and when no formal lunches have been arranged he invites colleagues to join him in his private dining room. This democratic approach was evident when he took four guests to a Chelsea match at Newcastle United's ground. One of them was Tatyana Dyachenko, the daughter of the former president, Boris Yeltsin, and once one of the most power­ful people in Russia, and another was his Austrian chef, Christian, who bakes his favourite unleavened matzo bread. 'He doesn't like change,' says one close colleague. 'He likes to work with people he knows so he does a lot to keep them.'

Abramovich is not a bookish man. A visitor to the study in his dacha outside Moscow once plucked a volume from a shelf only to find that there was literally nothing between the covers. All the books were empty spines installed by the interior designers to convey learning where there was none. Abramovich's true leisure preoccupations are almost boyish. He likes fishing, football, ten-pin bowling and Russian billiards. When he went to watch Russia play Spain in Euro 2004, he wore a Russian team shirt and a matching baseball cap. He enjoys riding motorbikes and driving sports cars. And his yachts are like something out of James Bond. The 378-foot Pelorus, for example, has a helipad, magnificent salons, a big-screen cinema, and no fewer than four tenders to ferry passengers from ship to shore. As an associate says: 'He has the philosophy that you can't take it with you.'

In sum, Abramovich can come across as a shy, retiring, family man. Unfortunately there is the small matter of the £7.5 billion this 38 year old has accrued in less than fifteen years. Unmasking the personality, methods and ambitions beneath this carefiiUy cultivated bland exterior is the task of this book. As one veteran Moscow-watcher says: 'All these guys are kind of barracudas.'

Sure enough, the authors soon found that Abramovich did not intend to make things easy for them. Alexei Venediktov, the editor-in-chief of the influential Ekho of Moscow radio station, is a man who has regular conversations with the oligarch. During one of these chats, in early December 2003, when he mentioned that he was to meet the authors for lunch in Moscow a couple of days later, Abramovich said, 'Can you avoid it?' Fortunately, Venediktov had been promised a meal at his favourite Georgian restaurant and the lure of sturgeon in cream, perpetual life salad and, of course, the opportunity to make mischief, persuaded him to keep our appointment. By now, Abramovich was anxious. The day after the lunch at the Dear Friends restaurant, he called Venediktov to see how things had gone.

'What did they ask you?' he quizzed.

'Everything,' said Venediktov.

'And what did you tell them?'

'Everything.'

A pause.

'Oh, I look forward to reading this book.'

Abramovich's reticence about his past can be attributed to two main factors. First there is his reputation: today Abramovich is a man of position in England, the country he and many of his compatriots have long revered as the spiritual home of taste and culture. His social circle takes in some prominent members of British society. Friends include the Marquess of Reading, Britain's most senior Jewish aristocrat, and Lord Rothschild. The latter is a close friend of the Prince of Wales and, while it is unclear whether Abramovich has ever met Charles, we do know that the Russian once loaned the prince his helicopter to ferry him the one hundred miles from his country home, Highgrove in Gloucestershire, to Cowdray Park for a polo tournament - albeit in response to a request made to him by the organizers on the prince's behalf rather than from Charles's office.

Outside the drawing rooms of high society, Abramovich is even more popular and accepted. Chelsea fans may have deplored his treatment of Claudio Ranieri, the manager who was sacked to make way for Jose Mourinho, the man who coached the team that won the 2004 Champions' League final, but most of them appeared prepared to pin the blame for that particular public relations debacle on the club's chief executive, Peter Kenyon. Abramovich himself retains much affection for not only making Chelsea the most talked about club of last season - and probably many more to come - but enabling them to beat Arsenal for the first time in years. With everything going so well, why rake up the bad old days of talking gullible workers out of their share vouchers, making billions out of rigged privatizations, associating with dodgy share dilution coups and the like?

The second issue for Abramovich to consider was how a detailed exposition of his wealth and the way it was obtained would play to the audience at home. The Russian voter is bitterly disappointed with the way the government sold off the family silver for a fraction of its real value. At a time when Abramovich is already fighting a rearguard action against those who seek to tax more heavily, or even sequester, the oligarchs' assets, he has no wish for any more attention to be drawn to himself personally.

In this context, no man in possession of a fortune such as Abramovich's can afford to ignore politics. The definition of oligarchy is 'rule by the few'. In this case, the very rich few. With the Russian electorate clamouring for these men, who procured the commanding heights of the economy for a song, to be made to give something back, it is dangerous not to have the ear of the president. One of the shrewdest remarks ever made about Abramovich comes from a particu­larly well-informed Moscow-based Western businessman. To understand Abramovich you have to realize that he is not a businessman but a politician with a small ^up*7 he says. His point was that the day-to-day running of Abramovich's oil companies, meat processing plant, automotive companies, etc, can be left in the hands of trusted managers and account­ants. It is the task of squaring the authorities that requires Abramovich's particular form of genius. Many smaller fry, who failed to find protectors in the Kremlin, found the privat­izations from which they had made their millions declared illegal and were jailed. Others, such as Abramovich's erstwhile partner Boris Berezovsky, and the media oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky, confronted Putin and were forced into exile. The richest of them all, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, sought to manipulate the political process for his own ends and was promptly arrested on tax fraud charges and, at the time of writing, was still languishing in prison.

While these three men, and many others, allowed their egos to cloud their judgment, Abramovich's shrewdness meant that he never forgot that the president owns the jails. Instead of taking on Putin, he accepted the realities of life and sought to use his most potent tool, his charm, to maintain his position. It is revealing that Berezovsky was gulled into believing that his business partner was on his side in the batde with Putin at a time when he was, in feet, hand in glove with the new man. Berezovsky said in one London newspaper interview: 'When Putin came to power, I spoke to Abramovich and said we should start to create opposition in Russia, that Putin was becoming too powerful, but Abramovich would not listen.' In feet, by the time Berezovsky made this attempt to recruit Abramovich to his cause, the younger man had already become so close to Putin that, as this book reveals for the first time, he interviewed the candidates for the then prime minister's first cabinet at the Kremlin. When the authors mentioned this episode to Berezovsky during an interview at his London office, he was uncharacteristically speechless for a second or two before saying, 'I didn't know that.' At that moment, the man who was christened the Grey Cardinal thanks to his Machiavellian reputation realized quite how comprehensively he had been snookered by his youthful protege.

Abramovich went on to become one of the prime movers behind the establishment of the only political party that was prepared to offer its undiluted support to Putin when he fought his first presidential election in late 1999. When Putin needed a shadowy force to act against his enemies behind the scenes, it was Abramovich whom he could rely on to prove a willing co-conspirator. Not that any of this involved the hiring of gangs of armed men to terrorize opponents into submission; Abramovich is a far more refined and subtle creature. He is notoriously patient in the face of provocation, even if it means losing ground in the short term. As one of those closest to him says: 'He can look maybe ten steps ahead and, if the first few - or even the first nine - don't look too good, he has the rare ability to see the tenth and go for it.'

In addition to his backroom displays of support for Putin, Abramovich took the radical step of putting himself in the political frontline. In 1999, he decided to stand as deputy for the Duma - the Russian parliament - for the remote Siberian territory of Chukotka. It was a move that shocked even his ■Josest associates. As one says: 'He doesn't shake hands, he doesn't kiss babies and he doesn't look people in the eye.' What he did do, however, was spend money. And lots of it. As Abramovich's philanthropy had its predictable effect on a wretchedly impoverished people, Aleksandr Nazarov, the sitting governor of Chukotka, became more and more agi­tated. Abramovich's growing popularity was beginning to border on demagoguery. What happened next is a good illus­tration of Abramovich's talents. After a ruthless but bloodless coup, Nazarov was deposed and Abramovich installed as gov­ernor - with 99 per cent of the vote. Instead of marginalizing Nazarov, however, the new governor encouraged him to take on his seat in the Duma, where he sits to this day. Abramovich had got exactly what he wanted and turned the man he had deposed into a loyal ally in the process.

At first, Abramovich was content to leave his official response to this book to John Mann. But, in May 2004, Mann called the authors to say Abramovich and his advisers had been giving the matter 'a lot of thought' and had concluded that the authors were getting 'too much negative input'. Was his change of tack down to Abramovich growing increasingly aware that his friend Venediktov was leaking like a Siberian oil pipeline? Had it been prompted by an irate call from the Kremlin after the authors had faxed Putin's press spokesman asking whether it was true that the president had threatened to 'destroy' Sibneft if Berezovsky did not accept the discount deal for his shares in the company that Abramovich offered him in 2000? Had Roddie Fleming, the billionaire English banker, who had a brief partnership with Abramovich in a Siberian gold mine, contacted him about some rather pointed questions he had been asked about Abramovich's role in that deal? Or was it just the fact that Abramovich had been receiv­ing calls on a daily basis from associates who had been approached and wanted his permission to speak and he had concluded that we were going into areas where stones were best left unturned?

Whatever the motivation, Mann flew over from Moscow to organize a meeting at Chelsea FC's offices at Stamford Bridge. The ground rules were straightforward. We could ask any questions we wanted but we weren't to identify the man they were putting up to respond to them - one of Abramo­vich's most senior lieutenants. After a brief chat with a charm­ing and patrician lawyer, who was presumably there primarily as an observer, the main player arrived. For the next hour, we put our most contentious points to a man who had not known Abramovich at many of the times in question. While the exchange could be described as full and frank it was ultimately as unfiilfilling as — presumably — Abramovich had intended. They had gained something from it - an outline of the book's main scoops, and the authors had gained some­thing in return - an insight into what made him what he is. Given that it was an away fixture, it could perhaps be described as a score draw.

By now, people had been interviewed as far afield as Ukhta, the remote town in northern Russia where Abramovich spent part of his childhood, Moscow, the south of France, London and even West Sussex. Childhood friends, neighbours, teachers, employees (both current and former), journalists, politicians, Chelsea fans, football pundits, estate agents, yachting experts, and many others had discussed his back­ground, upbringing, achievements and ambitions. What has emerged is the portrait of a man with as many personas as there are figurines in a Russian doU. To Chelsea fans he is Mr Bountiful; to disappointed minor investors in a range of enterprises he is a ruthless diluter of shares. Grateful eskimos in Chukotka revere him as a messiah; hard-bitten number- crunchers in Moscow brand him a shameless, albeit legal, tax avoider. Junior staff, from his cook to the woman who has worked with him since his days as a market stall-holder, admire his loyalty and charm; Siberian oil workers talk bit­terly about their slashed wages and the way they were talked into selling their shares in his oil company. Close associates testify to his entrepreneurship and charisma; cynical Western bankers dismiss him as a dull opportunist What explains these conflicting impressions? To answer that question, we need to examine Abramovich's life from his birth to the present day.